Excerpt from Azel Ames, M.D.'s "The May-flower and her Log" . It was released 7 Oct. 2006 and produced by David Widger as an eBook. It takes place from July 15, 1620-May 6, 1621 and is mostly from original sources. It can be found here---
http://www.gutenberg.org/files/4107/4107-h/4107-h.htm#image-0003
TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15
At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Ready for
sea.
WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16
Weighed anchor. Wind E.N.E., a fine gale.
Laid course W.S.W. for northern coasts of
Virginia.
THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17
Comes in with wind E.N.E. Light gale
continues. Made all sail on ship.
FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18
Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale continues.
All sails full.
SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19
Comes in with wind E.N E. Gale holds.
Ship well off the land.
SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20
Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale holds.
Distance lost, when ship bore up for
Plymouth, more than regained.
MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21
Same; and so without material change, the
daily record of wind, weather, and the
ship's general course—the repetition of
which would be both useless and wearisome
—continued through the month and until the
vessel was near half the seas over. Fine
warm weather and the "harvest-moon." The
usual equinoctial weather deferred.
SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3
One of the seamen, some time sick with a
grievous disease, died in a desperate manner.
The first death and burial at sea of the
voyage.
[We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER,
and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder "committed the
body to the deep" with fitting ceremonial, for though the young man
was of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence for
death and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impel
him to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Jones
would surely be glad to evade them).
MONDAY Nov. 6/16
William Butten; a youth, servant to Doctor
Samuel Fuller, died. The first of the
passengers to die on this voyage.
MONDAY Nov. 7/17
Must be Tuesday
The body of William Butten committed to the
deep. The first burial at sea of a
passenger, on this voyage.
MONDAY Nov. 8/18
Must be Wednesday
Signs of land.
MONDAY Nov. 9/19
Must be Thursday
Closing in with the land at nightfall.
Sighted land at daybreak. The landfall
made out to be Cape Cod the bluffs [in what
is now the town of Truro, Mass.]. After a
conference between the Master of the ship
and the chief colonists, tacked about and
stood for the southward. Wind and weather
fair. Made our course S.S.W., continued
proposing to go to a river ten leagues
south of the Cape Hudson's River. After
had sailed that course about half the day
fell amongst dangerous shoals and foaming
breakers [the shoals off Monomoy] got out of
them before night and the wind being
contrary put round again for the Bay of
Cape Cod. Abandoned efforts to go further
south and so announced to passengers.
[Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 93) says: "They resolved to bear
up again for the Cape." No one will question that Jones's assertion
of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return
to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow
says: "Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was
cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a
plantation, we entered upon discovery." Tossed for sixty-seven days
on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and
firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once
again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been
an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed
course.]
SATURDAY Nov. 11/21 Comes in with light, fair wind. On course for Cape Cod harbor, along the coast. Some hints of disaffection among colonists, on account of abandonment of location
[Bradford (in Mourt's Relation) says: "This day before we come to harbor Italics the author's, observing some not well affected to unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was thought good there should be an Association and Agreement that we should combine together in one body; and to submit to such Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for word." Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in his Historie (Mass. ed. p. 109), where he says: "I shall a little returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they came ashore, being ye first foundation of their governments in this place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden contingent had let fall from them in ye ship—That when they came ashore they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any patent, and in some respects more sure." Dr. Griffis is hardly warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 182), that "there were a few people I 'shuffled' in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated scoundrels." Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as those "shuffled into their company," and while he was not improbably one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the "appearance of faction" did not show itself until the vessel's prow was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that the effort to locate "near Hudson's River" was to be abandoned, and a location found north of 41 degrees north latitude, which would leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,—then "a lay-reader" for Chaplain Buck,—on Sir Thomas Gates's expedition to Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, advocated just such sentiments—on the same basis—as were now bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, p. 120) in thinking that "a great deal more has been discovered in this document than the signers contemplated,"—wonderfully comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of American History, November, 1882 (pp—798 799): "The fundamental idea of this famous document was that of a contract based upon the common law of England,"—certainly a stable and ancient basis of procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted. It is to be feared that Griffis's inference (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those whose names are believed to have been affixed to it "made their 'mark.'" There is good reason, also, to believe that neither "sickness" (except unto death) nor "indifference" would have prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by "mark," if need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few days later. The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age—not social status was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into the "Council for the Affairs of New England." Goodwin is in error in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), "Neither did any other body exercise authority there;" for the Second Virginia Company under Sir Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e. on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of the forty-first parallel of north latitude, as successors to the Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north latitude. Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for "faction"—and so no occasion for any "Association and Agreement"—existed till the MAY-FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature until the morning of Saturday, November 11. Bradford's language, "This day, before we came into harbour," leaves no room for doubt that it was rather hurriedly drafted—and also signed—before noon of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday—hardly three weeks from the shortest day in the year—to reach and encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was signed "in the harbor of Cape Cod." It is noticeable that the instrument itself simply says, "Cape Cod," not "Cape Cod harbour," as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.]